It may not be unnecessary to inform the reader that the following Reflections had their origin in a correspondence between the Author and a very young gentleman at Paris, who did him the honor of desiring his opinion upon the important transactions which then, and ever since, have so much occupied the attention of all men. An answer was written some time in the month of October 1789, but it was kept back upon prudential considerations. That letter is alluded to in the beginning of the following sheets. It has been since forwarded to the person to whom it was addressed. The reasons for the delay in sending it were assigned in a short letter to the same gentleman. This produced on his part a new and pressing application for the Author's sentiments.
The opening line of the text provides the background by which Burke came to sit down and write his critical analysis of the effects of the French Revolution. Prefatory material such as this was commonplace for both non-fictional as well as fictional works by British writers of the period which can create some confusion for modern readers. Writers in both genres felt the compunction to situate the reason for their compositions within the construct of reality and here Burke is providing context for his ambition and motivation to lay down a philosophical treatise on the internal politics of a foreign country.
In France, you are now in the crisis of a revolution and in the transit from one form of government to another — you cannot see that character of men exactly in the same situation in which we see it in this country.
In what might today be referred to as Anglo-splaining, Burke feels compelled to justify his criticism of the French Revolution by informing the people of France that they are more ill-suited to be the judge of what is actually taking place in their country than a foreigner by virtue of the fact that the foreigner is not as emotionally involved. Burke, lest one need to be reminded, is one of the gods of political conservatism; an ideology which consistently proves itself more than capable of telling other countries what they are doing wrong.
The advocates for this Revolution, not satisfied with exaggerating the vices of their ancient government, strike at the fame of their country itself by painting almost all that could have attracted the attention of strangers, I mean their nobility and their clergy, as objects of horror.
Interestingly, Burke here suggests that those responsible for the French Revolution from the unusual perspective of its influence on foreign traffic. Again, it is imperative to keep in mind that Burke presides over the Valhalla of the Gods of Conservatism. As far back as 1791 a major voice for the conservative movement was staking a claim that those eager to reframe the internal political structure within a foreign country should stop and take the time to consider how the consequences of transformative change might be affected by negative impact upon tourism. Really quite amazing when one considers that this very argument remains a priority of the basic foundation of conservative geopolitics today.
We are but too apt to consider things in the state in which we find them, without sufficiently adverting to the causes by which they have been produced and possibly may be upheld. Nothing is more certain than that our manners, our civilization, and all the good things which are connected with manners and with civilization have, in this European world of ours, depended for ages upon two principles and were, indeed, the result of both combined: I mean the spirit of a gentleman and the spirit of religion.
The foundation of political conservatism is, of course, that things should not be too quick to change. If, any fact, they should even change at all. Burke is here once again the defender of the idea that things existing as they are which are subject to change should only carefully be challenged because the very fact that they have been as they are for so long is proof of an inherent truth. For Burke, the Revolution represents an impulsive will to change based on short-sighted vision that regards tradition and convention which he argues is proof those traditions and conventions work best because they have worked longest. Such an argument conveniently overlooks the irrefutable historical fact that ways of doing things last longest not necessarily due to being the best way, but because those in charge have successfully resisted change. The argument that everything good about European civilization can be attributed to religion and aristocracy (which is what he really means by “spirit of gentlemen” is so ridiculously unsupportable as to make his entire argument come crashing down.
I have little to recommend my opinions but long observation and much impartiality. They come from one who has been no tool of power, no flatterer of greatness; and who in his last acts does not wish to belie the tenor of his life. They come from one almost the whole of whose public exertion has been a struggle for the liberty of others; from one in whose breast no anger, durable or vehement, has ever been kindled but by what he considered as tyranny.
As his essay draws to a close, Burke is moved to further justification of his position as an outsider weighing in on the internal politics of another country. Furthermore, he also feels compelled support his positions by denying that his criticism is based upon any inherent political motivations and ideology that would perhaps cloud his analysis. When Burke asserts that he is impartial to the cashiering of monarchy and that his life has been a consistent example of telling truth to power rather than falling victim to flattering submission, it is worth nothing that he remained one of the staunchest supporters of monarchial government in the world at precisely the moment that democracy was beginning to awaken from a 2000-year-long slumber. It is not by accident that the writer poised as his opposite as the loudest voice in support of democratic reforms and the abolishment of monarchies at the time, Thomas Paine, was moved to craft his own response to Burke’s tome, The Rights of Man.
